Falun Dafa Quarterly Volume 2, 2001
To those in the West, China often seems like a monolithic entity that lumbers along at the beck and call of the ruling elite, and this image is not usually unreasonable given that China is more a dictatorship than a democracy. As such, one could be forgiven for thinking that the Chinese government is also of one mind on the issue of Falun Gong. But the truth is that while, as the Far Eastern Economic Review (Nov. 6, 2000) pointed out, PRC president Jiang Zemin personally ordered the crackdown, others in the leadership are believed to favor a more "kid-gloves approach" and do not feel that the crackdown is in the interests of the nation. Through the issue of Falun Gong, we have begun to see distinct signs of dissent in the ranks over the past few months.
President Jiang Zemin perceives Falun Gong as a "threat"
Historically, we have seen that unelected leaders with no direct mandate from the people are typically nervous about any perceived threat to their position of power. A survey by the Communist Party in early 1999 revealed that the number of Falun Gong practitioners in China had grown to between seventy and one hundred million.[1] To have so many people involved in something that went beyond the confines of government ideology -- something that promoted independent thinking and was intended to elevate each individual's spirit -- was anathema to the President of China, Jiang Zemin. And so, after a few months of preparation, he launched his campaign of persecution and propaganda against Falun Gong in the Spring of 1999.
President Jiang's main ally in the crackdown was Luo Gan, head of the National Committee of Politics and Law. Widely seen as a political opportunist, Luo believed he could improve his position in the ruling hierarchy by supporting the President's anti-Falun Gong sentiments. These two were aided and abetted by Luo's brother-in-law, He Zuoxiu, from the Chinese Science Academy. Under the auspices of the Tianjin Education College, He published a highly misleading article about Falun Gong in the Science and Technology for Youth magazine. When a group of practitioners approached the magazine to discuss some of the issues that were raised, police forcibly arrested 45 of them and drove the rest away.
One of the primary tactics used against Falun Gong was to accuse the founder of the practice, Li Hongzhi, of plotting to overthrow the government. They also branded individual practitioners as being part of a vast, covert organization with a hidden political agenda. What is known about how Falun Dafa practitioners actually interact and communicate with each other, however, tells a different story. For example, the public gathering of more than 10,000 practitioners at the government compound of Zhongnanhai was a spontaneous response to two injustices. They wanted to correct the misinformation spread by He Zuoxiu's article, and they wanted to appeal to the central government for the release of the 45 practitioners detained earlier by the Tianjin Public Security Bureau since the Tianjin government indicated that they had only followed orders.
If Falun Gong had truly been some kind of highly organized revolutionary movement, it stands to reason that with over seventy million adherents they could have put enough people on the streets to actually achieve a people's revolution. Such a thing has happened in various areas around the world in the last twenty years; most recently in Serbia with the ousting of President Milosovic. Significantly, this did not happen in Beijing. The sole purpose of the 10,000 practitioners who came out was basically to appeal for justice. Furthermore, their coming to Zhongnanhai was spontaneous. Just as John Lennon's fans spontaneously, most likely through word-of-mouth, were drawn en masse to Central Park shortly after he was killed in 1980, so also were practitioners drawn to Zhongnanhai, one after another, individually motivated by their desire for justice. As it turned out, Prime Minister Zhu Rongji himself came out of the government compound and addressed the peaceful and orderly crowd in a conciliatory manner. The 45 practitioners in Tianjin were released, and so the practitioners, under the impression that their grievances had been met, quietly dispersed.[2]
It should also be noted that practitioners of Falun Gong endeavour to live their lives in accordance with the principles of Zhen/Shan/Ren, which translates as Truthfulness/Compassion/Forbearance. They strive to improve their moral character by giving up various 'attachments,' such as the desire for excessive material wealth and power and negative emotions like greed, fear, and jealousy. Moreover, we have seen that Falun Dafa founder Li Hongzhi has explicitly stated in a number of his writings that practitioners should not become involved in politics. Thus, it becomes clear that the gathering at Zhongnanhai was nothing more than a peaceful appeal for basic human rights that posed no threat to President Jiang Zemin and the Chinese government whatsoever.
At the time of the Zhongnanhai Incident of April 25th 1999, Prime Minister Zhu Rongji advocated a peaceful solution to the crisis.[5] At the first meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee regarding the Zhongnanhai Incident, Premier Zhu suggested: "Just let them practice," whereupon it is reported that Jiang Zemin responded acidly: "You're wrong! You're being a fool! Falun Gong will destroy the Party and the nation![6]
And so, thoroughly convinced that Falun Gong was a threat to the Chinese communist regime, President Jiang Zemin launched a brutal and systematic crackdown just a few months later in July, 1999. The Washington Post noted in an article on November 2, 1999 that "When [China's Communist leaders] found themselves without the laws they needed to vigorously persecute a peaceful meditation society, the Party simply ordered up some new laws. Now these will be applied -- retroactively, of course... By these standards, Stalin was a scrupulous observer of civil rights."
No doubt aware of the precariousness of his own safety and position, Premier Zhu remained silent for a year and a half on this issue, until recently when he again spoke out against the harsh treatment being inflicted on Falun Gong practitioners. Vice President Hu Jintao and other influential government figures Li Ruihuan, Wei Jianxing, and the retired Qiao Shi are also reported to be increasingly opposed to the crackdown.[7]
At the 5th Plenary Session of the 15th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on October 9 to 11, 2000, President Jiang Zemin's nominations of Zeng Qinghong as a member of the politburo, and Chen Zhili as Secretary of Secretariat were vetoed. This marks the first occasion in the history of the Chinese communist regime that a President's nominations have been refused by the Central Committee.[8] Many believe this unprecedented lack of support within the Communist Party's core membership reflects the growing dissatisfaction with President Jiang's handling of Falun Gong, among other issues.
President Jiang Zemin's Crackdown against China Itself
Since the crackdown was first launched in the summer of 1999, tens of thousands of practitioners have been detained and sent to labor camps for 're-education' without trial; thousands more have been victims of brutal beatings and other forms of torture while in the custody of Chinese police; and hundreds of healthy, intelligent people have been confined in psychiatric institutions and repeatedly injected with nerve-damaging drugs.
Many high-profile practitioners have been given show trials in which they were sentenced to extended prison terms of up to 18 years. These show trials are designed to make examples of practitioners from prominent occupations, such as public officials, university lecturers, military officers, etc. Last January, 74 year-old Air Force General Yu Chanxin was sentenced to 17 years in prison by a military tribunal. Charged with "using a sect to destroy the implementation of the law" and "illegal management," it is believed that Yu was singled out in order to strike fear into the hearts of the rest of the population. After all, if this highly decorated and revered patriot could be summarily thrown into prison because of his affiliation with Falun Gong, then how much more tenuous was the freedom of the average citizen?
During these trials, defendants are denied adequate legal representation and in many cases, family and friends are not even allowed to witness the event. One Beijing resident, Liang Jiantian, was recently sentenced to life imprisonment for printing and selling Falun Dafa publications. The official Xinhua News Agency described the charge as "manufacturing obscene materials and conducting an illegal business." [9]
Jiang Zemin's war against Falun Dafa quickly evolved into a war against China itself, as the government's reckless abuse of power began to permeate all aspects of the country's social and economic life. Given the true facts of the situation, this was inevitable. By 1999, tens of millions of people were practicing Falun Dafa -- possibly more than the entire membership of the Chinese Communist Party itself. Not limited by social class, ethnicity, occupation, or location, practitioners came from all segments of society, and from all over the nation. Doctors, lawyers, cab drivers, government officials, military personnel, factory workers, farmers, university professors, students, senior citizensall were attracted to Falun Dafa.
Additionally, Falun Dafa is deeply rooted in traditional Chinese culture, and its practitioners cannot be identified as something separate or isolated from the Chinese people as a whole. Therefore, by waging war on practitioners of Falun Dafa, President Jiang Zemin is, in fact, waging war on the people and the nation of China. [Editors' note: For a comprehensive examination of the widespread persecution of Falun Dafa practitioners and its effects on the entire Chinese society, please refer to the article, "A Dark Chapter in China's History" in this issue.]
Jiang Zemin's Actions Are In Violation of China's Constitution
President Jiang and Luo Gan were somewhat taken aback by the apparent failure of these Draconian policies to weaken the resolve of practitioners. Due to a lack of enthusiasm on the part of many government colleagues, President Jiang embarked upon a one man crusade, writing personally to all Committee Members, putting up large anti-Falun Gong posters all over government headquarters, and constantly stating that Falun Gong was "threatening the Nation and the Party." It is worth noting that many Party Members themselves were also practitioners of Falun Dafa. And although they were able to keep these two areas of their lives separate without any apparent difficulty, this state of affairs was totally unacceptable to the President. However, forbidding Party Members from practicing Falun Gong and denying them the right to appeal against government injustice are directly at odds with articles of the Constitution, which stipulate that only the National People's Congress and its Standing Committee can make, modify, or interpret the law.
In October of 1999, three months after the crackdown had begun and long after President Jiang Zemin's illegal directives had been thrust upon government workers for implementation, the People's Congress adopted a 'decision' to legitimise the crackdown. However, this did nothing to change the fact that many of the 'prohibitions' (such as the right to 'petition in defence of Falun Gong') issued by the Ministry of Public Security on 22nd July 1999 were still contrary to the Chinese Constitution. [10]
Amnesty International quotes a 22nd July 1999 press release from the official Xinhua News Agency indicating that the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party issued a circular prohibiting Party members from participating in any Falun Gong activities. The circular instructed Party members to make "a clean ideological break" from Falun Gong. The circular warned that those who have "committed serious mistakes will be given disciplinary punishment," and those "who refuse to correct their mistakes ... will be expelled from the Party."[11]
It is significant that the resolution passed by the People's Congress in October was on the subject of 'evil cults,' but Falun Gong was not named in the resolution. The Public Security Bureau therefore had no legal right to arbitrarily determine the nature of Falun Gong simply based on the instructions of the President, nor could it legally use this resolution as the basis for initiating serious human rights abuses. Such abuses are also manifestly in breach of a number of international agreements to which China is a signatory.
Notwithstanding the efforts of Jiang and Luo Gan, with the exception of Shandong and Liaoning provinces, the persecution of Falun Gong has apparently found little support, either with the general population or with most provincial officials. The southern provinces, such as Guandong and its governor, Li Changchun, have been particularly unenthusiastic about harassing people whom they consider to be model citizens. As a result, Jiang Zemin made a tour of the South in February, 2000, in order to personally instruct local officials and whip up enthusiasm for the persecution. Eventually, under intense pressure, the province fell into line and reluctantly proceeded with the persecution as directed.
Conclusion
President Jiang Zemin's persecution of Falun Gong is an ongoing tragedy, not only for practitioners, but for the entire nation. We can only speculate as to why a leader would so recklessly make war on millions of his finest and most law-abiding citizens. We have noted previously that the sheer numbers of Falun Gong practitioners intimidated many in the government, and that the persecution may have simply been a preemptive strike against people who were mistakenly viewed as potential competitors for power. Another possibility is that Jiang Zemin is using Falun Gong in the same way that Hitler used the Jews in Germany--as scapegoats for all that is wrong in society. Could Hitler have risen to power, consolidated his power, and maintained his power without turning the Jewish population into a demonic enemy in the eyes of the German population?
Furthermore, it is quite possible that internal political struggles within the communist leadership, coupled with ideological battles over the ultimate value of Westernization and economic reforms, also played a role in the decision to persecute Falun Dafa. We may never know for certain, as the inner workings of communist regimes are typically shrouded in secrecy. But we do know this: the cost of this persecution, in terms of lost revenues and squandered resources and in terms of broken families, lost jobs, broken bones, broken hearts, and loss of life, has been enormous and catastrophic.
Speculation concerning how historians will eventually view this or that conflict can be risky, given that history is usually written by the descendants of the winners. Still, as long as kindness and virtue exist in people's hearts, we can rest assured that in the long run, tyrants will be exposed and properly condemned. Perhaps one day, President Jiang Zemin's personal vendetta against Falun Dafa will be seen in the same light as we now see Emperor Nero's treatment of that other group of peaceful, spiritual seekers that "turned the other cheek"-- the early Christians.
Michael Pearson-Smith received his BA Hons from the University of Sheffield in England and MA, PhD from McMasters University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. For the last four and a half years he has been working for Science Press - An educational publisher. Dr Pearson-Smith is currently based in Melbourne, Australia.